Charlemagne to Columbus Discussion Board

Gene Garay                                                                                                                                                                                                  11/30/11

Professor Shawcross                                                                                                                                                                            History 121

The Longbow

            The longbow reached its peak during the 14^th and 15^th Centuries, as it was a major weapon in battle.  As the readings for class have been concentrated on the fighting that has taken place during the Hundred Years War, the longbow situates itself as a key component to this discussion, as it was what elevated the English to victories in important battles.  It reinforces that the English won through a means of tactical brilliance, even when they were outnumbered.

            The longbow showed its greatest strength in three battles during the Hundred Years War, which were the battle of Crecy, Poitiers, and Agincourt.  The article also refers to the crossbow, which proved to be weaker than the longbow, as the French used this as part of their tactic at the battle of Crecy.  As stated in the article, “…With a firing rate of three – five volleys per minute they (the crossbowmen) were however no match for the English and Welsh longbow men who could fire ten – twelve arrows in the same amount of time…” The French then proceeded to send in their cavalry, as their leaders deemed their archers useless, resulting in the mounted troops being mowed down by English longbow men.  Similar to this scenario, the French had developed a small cavalry unit for the battle at Poitiers, whom when sent to attack, were demolished by English archers yet again.  The Germans, who had become allies with the French, followed this action with the same approach, proving to be as unsuccessful as before.  At the battle of Agincourt, a siege of the town had taken place that lasted up to five weeks, much longer than expected.  After an initial stalemate, the English forced the action, creating the French to react and once again send their cavalry after the English troops.  A factor that played a role in the English’s success at this battle was the rain-soaked ground, which made it hard for the French cavalry to advance, leaving them in a position to get hit by the volley of English arrows.  6,000 to 10,000 French soldiers perished while the English only lost men somewhere in the count of hundreds. 

            This article definitely provides insight into the significance of the longbow during these battles.  The use of factual information makes the material believable, even with the astonishing numbers that are presented.  However, primary sources would have aided in creating the authors argument into just how important the longbow really was.  Also, more information on the longbow itself should have been given, to provide the reader with better insight into how it works and why it was such a dynamic weapon at the time.

            Further investigation that should be done would be to look into how an archer was most effective, whether it was shooting for accuracy or pace, and what was required of a man to become a skilled longbows man.  This article did relate to the readings in class though, providing more insight into these battles that had taken place during the Hundred Years War.

515 Words

[Waley] [Daniel] [Denley] [Peter] [Later Medieval Europe 1250-1520] [3^rd Edition] [Great Britain] [Longman Group] [1964]

http://www.historic-uk.com/HistoryUK/England-History/TheLongbow.htm

History 121

Professor Shawcross

Lian Duan

Delaney, Carol. “Columbus’s Ultimate Goal: Jerusalem.” Comparative Studies in Society and History (2006), 48: 260-292.

Around the Quincentennial of Columbus’s Discovery of the Americas, a group of historians came forward to reassess the historical event, and Columbus’s historical character. Much has also been said about the causes of Columbus’s voyages and the European expansion outside of Europe. The attempts to reach Indies and the Americas after it is discovered are considered as the continuation of the centuries-long European expansion including the crusades, Norman expansion, German expansion, and the Iberian Reconquista[1]. In the same tradition of pilgrimage to Jerusalem, European Christians were used to travel to the end of the known world for worshipping. Besides the adventurous culture shaped by religious practice, less known is the religious zeal per se behind Columbus’s determination to reach Indies. Delaney’s article focuses on this aspect through investigation of Columbus’s writing.

Delaney heavily draws on the sources from Columbus’s journal of his first voyage, the Diario, and the less known Book of Prophecies. Evidence shows that Columbus is a pious Christian, although Delaney’s analysis does not prove he is excessively religious by the contemporary standard. Derived from his thinking and contemporary knowledge, Columbus was convinced that the second coming of Jesus was near, and “the conversion of all peoples to Christianity and the re-conquest of Jerusalem are necessary preconditions for the second coming” (Delaney, 261). Therefore, the dual goals of Columbus’s voyages were to convert the Asian peoples, and to accumulate wealth to launch another crusade. In the Book of Prophecies prepared for the Spanish monarchs, Columbus also conveyed his conviction that he is prophesized to play a great role in the fulfilling the two ultimate missions before the second coming. Columbus wrote in his letter, “Of the new heaven and earth which our Lord made, as St. John wrote in the Apocalypse, after he had spoken it by the mouth of Isaiah, He made me the messenger thereof, and showed me where to go.”[2] In general, Columbus’s efforts were driven by his religious zeal and his conviction of his heavenly mandated role. If the religious drive is so salient in Columbus’s motivation, it needs to be explained why it has never been emphasized before. Delaney devotes half of the article to the explanation, which focuses on the modern scholar’s inability to acknowledge religion as an enveloping structure for a medieval person’s knowledge, and the failure to understand Columbus’s motives in the context of contemporary world view.

Delaney’s article draws our attention to a less studied, but undeniably important aspect of any medieval enterprise, Christianity. The perspective is an important development on the existing literature on Columbus. However, Delaney’s method is not without flaw. Out of the ninety documents written by Columbus survived, only two are intensively studied. One dangerous mistake made by Delaney is that Columbus’s writing is largely taken at its face value. It is not clear who the audience of Columbus’s writing was. It is perfectly possible that Columbus claimed the religious goal and his prophesized role in order to convince Spanish monarchs of the importance of his voyages, or later, to cling to the governorship of the new colony. More private writings, if could be proved without goals outside of Columbus’s personal use, will be conducive to further research.

Word Count: 569

Bibliography

1. Delaney, Carol. “Columbus’s Ultimate Goal: Jerusalem.” Comparative Studies in Society and History (2006), 48: 260-292.

2. Phillips, Seymour . “European Expansion Before Columbus: Causes and Consequences,” The Haskins Society Journal Studies in Medieval History 1993 (5): 45-59.

Peter Jackson: Marco Polo and his 'Travels'

Peter Jackson, in his article “Marco Polo and his ‘Travels,’” seeks to disprove those who doubt the authenticity of Marco Polo’s travels to China. Jackson writes that Polo initially was met with skepticism when he returned to Venice, a viewpoint that, “sprang from an unwillingness to accept his depiction of a highly organized and hospitable Mongol empire that ran counter to the traditional Western Christian view of the ‘barbarism’ and especially the view of the barbarian Mongols that had obtained since the 1240s.” Similarly, Polo’s accounts have been met with skepticism recently as well. Modern commentators, in particular Dr. Frances Wood, have argued that Polo might not have ever even stepped foot in China. Wood “concludes that the famous Venetian probably never got much further than Constantinople or the Black Sea.” Wood’s argument is centered around three major points. First, Wood argues that Polo’s depiction of China omitted aspects that would not have been omitted by anyone who actually visited China during this time period. These omissions include foot-binding, tea-drinking, and the Great Wall. Second, Wood points out that Polo’s name has not appeared in any Chinese sources, and last, that Polo claims to have taken part in the siege and capture of a Chinese city that has been documented to have been captured a year prior to Polo’s arrival. Jackson quickly throws out the assertion that Polo’s omission of the Great Wall has any weight, writing that “we can be fairly certain it had not yet been built: walls there certainly were, but not the continuous and impressive structure we see today.”

While Jackson acknowledges that Polo’s depiction of China is much less impressive (or lengthy) than his depiction of the Mongolian steppe, he centers his paper around the following questions: “What is the book we associate with Polo’s name? With what purpose was it written? What claims does it make for itself? To what extent does it purport to represent Polo’s own experiences? Just where did Polo go?” In particular, Jackson focuses on the last question.

Answering the first of those questions, Jackson quickly points out that the book, “in any of the forms that have come down to us,” is not by Marco Polo. Due to various authors and copyists in the book’s early history, we “simply cannot be certain what was in the work originally drafted by Rusticello…” Therefore, Jackson argues effectively, “we cannot afford to lay too much stress on matters that the book does not mention.” Therefore, Jackson has already ruled out one of Wood’s three major reasons Polo never made it to China. Jackson points to the description of the diplomatic and commercial contacts between Yuan China and southern Asia as evidence, writing that “it is difficult to see how Rusticello might have come by the information without an Italian who had not spent time in the far East. Regarding the falsehood of the siege, this can be attributed to the copyists who attempted exaggerate the accomplishments of the Polos.

Overall, Jackson writes an extremely effective article. In it, it is important to note, he has no intention of providing proof that Polo did indeed visit China. Jackson writes, “The fact that Marco Polo or his co-author or later copyists exaggerated his importance while in China or on the voyage from China to Persia has long been suspected and can hardly be in doubt.” However, “It does not in itself demonstrate that he was never in China, or, worse still, never east of the Crimea.” Indeed, Jackson is able to commendably disprove much of Dr. Frances Wood’s “proof” that Polo never made it past Constantinople. 

Word Count: 602

Works Cited:

Peter Jackson, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London , Vol. 61, No. 1 (1998), pp. 82-101

Allen, S. J., and Emilie Amt. "Kristovoulos on the fall of Constantinople." In The Crusades: a reader. Peterborough, Ont.: Broadview Press, 2003. 401.

Runciman, Steven. "Price of Western Aid." In The fall of Constantinople, 1453. Cambridge: University Press, 1965. 62.

Runciman, Steven. "The Price of Western Aid." In The fall of Constantinople, 1453. Cambridge: University Press, 1965. 60.

Matthew GoodSmith

December 6, 2011

History 121: Medieval Europe form Charlemagne to Columbus

The “Peasant” Janissaries and Their Connection to the Spread of Islam

Radushev, Evgeni. "'Peasant' Janissaries’?" Journal of Social History 42, no. 2 (Winter 2008):

447-467. Accessed December 4, 2011. Historical Abstracts with Full Text, EBSCOhost.

            The janissaries were an elite military group in the Ottoman Empire.  Many of the first janissaries were Christian children who were taken though the devşirme tax, which came to be dreaded as the “blood” levy in the Balkan states.[1] Daniel Waley and Peter Denley briefly mention this levy in their work.[2] As a result of the devşirme, taken children were forced to adopt Islam and they were provided with societal and economic advantages that they would not have enjoyed otherwise. Indeed, there were many socioeconomic advantages for Janissaries and, more broadly, for Muslims in general. Evgeni Radushev’s article explores the mechanisms through which Balkan peoples sought theses benefits.

To this end, Radushev attempts to explain how the spread of Islam to the Ottoman Balkans corresponded with the existence of Janissaries in those areas. Conversion to Islam had many advantages for Christians under Ottoman influence. These advantages included exemption from the Cizye, a tax which only applied to non-Muslims, and the ability to enter the askeri, the socially superior military class.[3]  The conversion of Christians out of desire for socioeconomic advantages corresponded with the interest in becoming Janissaries.  Indeed, after the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, compulsion to serve in the Janissary Corps gave way to an avid desire to join the Corps for its advantages.  Radushev explains these trends in the context of two rural areas in particular: the Western Rhodope Mountain in Nevrekop and an area in north-eastern Bulgaria. Both of these areas saw large proportions of their populations converting to Islam, and they both contained a large number of local Janissaries. In his attempts to explain the existence of these “peasant” Janissaries, Radushev describes the decline of the devşirme, especially in the seventeenth century. As the devşirme declined, many Christians converted to Islam as a step towards becoming Janissaries, and many Janissaries hoped for their descendants to become Janissaries as well. These tendencies indicate the societal and economic advantages associated with the position. Indeed, the Janissaries emerged as the social and political elite of these rural areas, as was increasingly the case throughout the Empire. Radushev ultimately concludes that the institution of Janissaries, which offered many socioeconomic advantages to Muslims, necessarily led to the Islamisation of a section of the Balkan Christians and directly corresponded with non-compulsory conversion in these areas.

Although Radushev’s argument is an interesting one, it is problematic in several ways.  He concludes that “the institution of the Janissaries is one of the main factors in spreading Islam in the Ottoman Balkans.”[4] True, he describes Janissaries that converted to Islam for the advantages associated with being a Janissary, and he describes the larger populace’s tendency to convert for the advantages of Islam.  However, he does not clearly communicate the idea that the institution of the Janissaries was a main factor in spreading Islam to the general populace. In addition, Radushev bases his argument on primary sources from narrow time periods in only two locales. His extrapolations of broader trends are thus not entirely to be trusted. Further research must be conducted to show conclusively that the correlation between the spread of Islam and the institution of Janissaries persisted throughout the Ottoman Empire.

Bibliography

Radushev, Evgeni. "'Peasant' Janissaries’?" Journal of Social History 42, no. 2 (Winter 2008):

447-467. Accessed December 4, 2011. Historical Abstracts with Full Text, EBSCOhost.

Waley, Daniel, and Peter Denley. Later Medieval Europe: 1250-1520. Harlow: Longman, 2001.

Word Count: 526

[1] Evgeni Radushev, "'Peasant' Janissaries?" Journal of Social History 42, no. 2 (Winter 2008): 447-448, accessed December 4, 2011, Historical Abstracts with Full Text, EBSCOhost. 

[2] Daniel Waley and Peter Denley, Later Medieval Europe: 1250-1520 (Harlow: Longman, 2001), 254.

[3] Radushev, "'Peasant' Janissaries?" 448. 

[4] Radushev, "'Peasant' Janissaries?" 460.

Tom Holahan

Professor Shawcross

History 121: Medieval Europe: From Charlemagne to Columbus

Columbus the Crusader

Carol Delaney argues that the ultimate goal of Christopher Columbus was to recapture Jerusalem.[1]  In her work, “Columbus’s Ultimate Goal: Jerusalem”, Delaney notes that Columbus, writing in his journal the Diario, sought to acquire gold and valuables “in such quantity that the sovereigns… will undertake and prepare to go conquer the Holy Sepulchre; for thus I urged Your Highnesses to spend all the profits of this my enterprise on the conquest of Jerusalem.”[2]  Columbus wanted to initiate a new Crusade across Europe, and use the riches generated from his voyages to help finance the cause. 

Delaney cites the testimony of Bartolomé de las Casas as evidence that Columbus was a deeply religious man.  De las Casas says,

“He [Columbus] observed the fasts of the church most faithfully, confessed and made communion often, read the canonical offices like a churchman or member of a religious order, hated blasphemy and profane swearing, was most devoted to Our Lady and to the seraphic father St. Francis; seemed very grateful to God for benefits received from the divine hand. . . . And he was especially affected and devoted to the idea that God should deem him worthy of aiding somewhat in recovering the Holy Sepulchre.”[3]

Columbus also named many of the islands that he discovered after religious symbols such as San Salvador and Trinidad.[4]  Delaney argues that as a devout Christian Columbus would have believed, according to the book of Revelation, that the recapture of Jerusalem and the conversion of all of the people of the world to Christianity were necessary for the “Second Coming” of Jesus.[5]  It has been noted by many scholars that Columbus promoted the conversion of the natives to Christianity.  Delaney recounts in the Diario that Columbus speaks of, “how easily they [the natives] would become Christian if only the sovereigns would send religious persons who would learn their language and instruct them.”[6]

Further evidence supporting the claim that Columbus’ goal was to recapture Jerusalem exists in the form of a letter from March 4, 1493.  In the letter allegedly written by Columbus to the Spanish monarchy, Columbus wrote, “that in seven years from today I will be able to pay Your Highnesses for five thousand cavalry and fifty thousand foot soldiers for the war and conquest of Jerusalem, for which purpose this enterprise was undertaken.”[7] 

Delaney’s article is very interesting and addresses points that the other readings did not.  Seymour Phillips and several other authors cite the Crusades as the beginning of European expansion; however, Delaney is the first scholar whom I have read that explicitly declares that the initiation of a new Crusade was Columbus’ primary motivation for his voyage.  I believe that there is overwhelming evidence to support Delaney’s claim.  The strength of her argument rests in the passages she extracts from Columbus’ diary and letters, and in the quotations of Columbus’ peers, such as Bartolomé de las Casas.  In regards to future scholarship, I believe that it is worth investigating why Columbus failed to accomplish his goal of starting a new Crusade despite both acquiring the massive amount of riches needed to finance such a venture and ensuring that these funds went towards, “the purpose of liberating Jerusalem.”[8]  

Word Count: 533

Works Cited

Delaney, Carol. "Columbus's Ultimate Goal: Jerusalem." Comparative Studies in Society and History 48, no. 2 (2006): 260-266.

Artistic Production from the Middle Ages to the Renaissance

            Judith Bennett discussed the evolution of architecture from the Romanesque of the Central Middle Ages to the Gothic of the Early Renaissance period. Daniel Waley and Peter Denley similarly discussed the transition from the medieval period to the Early Renaissance in terms of both urban and secular life in Italy.  In “Treasures of Heaven: Saints, Relics, and Devotion in Medieval Europe,” editor Martina Bagnoli discusses the importance of holy relics and the fashioning of reliquaries from precious materials through the medieval period into the Renaissance. I felt that this chapter was important to the class readings because of the connections within Christendom, obviously, but also because the development of materials used in reliquaries reflects a change in social thought from secular to urban just as clearly as it does when discussing cathedral architecture or urban Italy.

            The veneration of relics is something of a paradox; if one is supposed to worship God before all others, why would one also pay homage to the remains of a mortal? Why would human remains possess the power of God if He exists in spirit? Thiofrid of Echternach (d. 1110) argued that relics not only commemorate those who achieved spiritual purity through God, but are also able to be physically “accessed,” as it were, by mortal man more easily than a purely spiritual means. “Knowing that man cannot see and touch rotten flesh without being nauseated, [Christ] hid his body and his blood in the bread and wine, to which men are accustomed. Similarly, he has persuaded the sons of the Church to conceal and shelter the relics of the saint’s happy flesh in gold and in the most precious of natural metals so that they will not be horrified by looking at a cruel and bloody thing.” The riches that housed the relics would reflect their spiritual worth by their material value, and the grandeur of the precious containers would inspire awe and reverence in worshippers. However, all the focus on the richness of the reliquary made many clerics nervous about the dangers of idolatry, a direct violation of God’s will. But the materials used to house the relics created a sort of boundary between the contents and the observer; instead of directly worshipping the image of a saint, medieval Christians worshipped the idea of divinity that the relic represented.

            In the early Middle Ages, only people of importance were allowed to observe the relics themselves, but in the Gothic period, people began to rely more on sight as a perception of God’s grace, and there was an upsurge in optic science. There was a change from the traditional theory that vision was archetypal images projected onto the world by the self, to the idea that external perception was processed in the brain to obtain knowledge. In broader terms, this was a change from a supernatural understanding of the world to a scientific one. This passage occurred at the same time as the other changes discussed in the class readings.

497 words

Bibliography

The Stuff of Heaven: Materials and Craftsmanship in Medieval Reliquaries. in Treasures of Heaven: Saints, Relics, and Devotion in Medieval Europe, edited by Martina . Bagnoli, New Haven:Yale University Press. 2010.

The Black Plague in England and its Rural Economic Impact

The Black Death spread quickly to Europe through trade routes. The traditional theory is of a bubonic plague, but the origin still remains uncertain. Most historians’ theory is that the bubonic plague started with fleas that bit rats, and eventually jumped species to bite a human. Humans had no natural immunity to the fleabites, so the disease spread quickly from person to person. At the time, Europe was also overpopulated, making for close living quarters that could easily transfer germs. Whatever the cause, the impact was still nonetheless devastating. Between one-quarter and one-third of Western Europe died of the plague.

Europe was hit very hard because of the plague. People would look to the Church for help. Unfortunately, the Church took a toll as well because so many of its clergy members died. Most of the population of Europe turned to the Church for solace, so without the help of priests and clergymen, many survivors underwent psychological disorders such as Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder. The Church tried to be successful in sending a message to the people that sin was not the cause of the Black Death.

The worst result that the plague brought was economical problems. Famine and war had already been occurring throughout Europe, adding to the widespread pandemic and enhancing financial problems. The enormous amount of deaths lead to an overabundance of crops. Wheat sales dropped because there were not enough people who needed to buy it. The plague also interestingly enough didn’t affect farm animals or cattle, so meat was still available. Meat prices ultimately dropped as well because of the sudden drop in population.  Farmers had no incoming money, causing many to lose their homes and land. Aside from those who faced financial problems, there was an age of great inheritance because of the large number of deaths during the Black Plague. Unfortunately, those who inherited money or land were often sickened with the plague and could not enjoy what they had just inherited.

Labor shortages were also a problem during the Black Death. Landlords relied on rural labor for so long that when the Black Death hit, there was a shortage of workers. Many landlords could not find replacements. Tenants and leaseholders had to lower their rents, while the remaining workers demanded a higher pay. The rural economy began to slowly rise and demand better situations from their landlords, making the peasants more successful than ever before. Tenants were forced to pay out more cash to hired labor while losing income from fallen grain prices. They received less pay from their renters while paying more to their manufacturers. The lower class of England was finally enjoying higher incomes, while most upper class citizens suffered tremendous losses.

The most tremendous losses, however, were not monetary or inanimate. The losses of family members, friends, and loved ones was truly the most devastating experience for Europeans during the Black Death. 

Word Count: 482

Bibliography

"Maps: The Great Famine and the Spread of the Black Death." In Atlas of Medieval Europe, edited by David Ditchburn, Simon Maclean and Angus Mackay, 243-246. Abington: Routledge, 2007.

Epstein, Steven A. "The Great Hunger and the Big Death." In An Economic and Social History of Later Midieval Europe, 1000-1500, 159-189. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009.

Borsch, Stuart J. "Chapter 4: The Impact of the Plagues on the Rural Economy of England." The Black Death in Egypt and England: A Comparative Study. Austin: University of Texas, 2005. 55-66. Print.

Daniel Chun

Professor Shawcross

Medieval Europe

11/15/11

Economic Effects of the Great Famine

            Northern Europe was devastated by a famine that stretched from 1315 to 1322.  The famine began in 1315 due to a rainy summer followed by a cold and severe winter.  1316 was a worse year than the year before, and too much summer rain flooding fields was the norm through 1320.[1]  In his book, The Great Famine, William Chester Jordan goes into more detail regarding the beginning of the famine, and how the weather particularly affected the crops and the animals.  He also describes the effects the famine had on the society from an economic standpoint, primarily the cost of living for lords and the cost of living for rustics (peasants).

            The lords were able to handle the economic crisis the best, simply due to the fact that they possessed more resources.  That is not to say that some lords did not struggle during this time.  Unless the prices of the commodities that the lords controlled outweighed the effect of an absolute decline in production, than those particular lords who’s commodity prices didn’t outweigh the decline in production would suffer.[2]  However, those lords who controlled commodities who’s prices exceeded the decline in production, for instance salt in the Baltic area and wine in France, managed to do well for themselves during the famine.  Churches were able to stay afloat by pawning relics that were given as gifts, particularly the Canterbury Cathedral, which possessed relics costing over £426.[3] 

            The peasants were the people who were most affected by the famine.  Peasants never had much money to spend to begin with, but combined with the rising prices over the miniature amount of supplies, peasants were left with essentially nothing.  Not to mention their lords and landowners were now squeezing the peasants for every cent they owned in order to make sure they had even more money for themselves.  Because the rural society was unable to maintain the fragile success of their harvesting any longer, the peasants began to migrate to larger cities.[4]  While the cities were able to provide more supplies for the poor than the rural areas, it still wasn’t enough to prevent the poor from succumbing to sickness and death.  As a result, revolts that were centered around the struggle between the centers of power and the powerless were initiated, adding to the chaos that was already ensuing because of the famine and lack of supplies.

            In conclusion, the Great Famine affected both the lords and rustics.  While the lords were able to maintain a comfortable living, they could not enjoy all the luxuries that were once afforded to them.  Instead, the goods that were no longer needed to them were often times sold for either food or most times money.  Peasants were the most affected, which one would most likely anticipate.  Their lack of money prevented them from acquiring any sort of supplies, which led to many of their deaths. 

Word Count: 497

Bibliography

Epstein, Steven. An Economic and Social History of Later Medieval Europe, 1000-1500. Cambridge, England: Cambridge UP, 2009.

Jordan, William C. The Great Famine: Northern Europe in the Early Fourteenth Century. Princeton, NJ: Princeton UP, 1996.

Jonathan Woodrow

15 November 2011

History 121

Shawcross

Additional Reading Response- The Christianization of Norway

This response explores evidence why the Scandinavian people moved from their anarchical violent Viking age to a much more pacified Christian age.  Robert Bartlett explains the change in his book, The Making of Europe, as one caused by the papacy “taking advantage of changes in the world around it.[1]”  Bartlett explains that, “as royal authority consolidated in Scandinavia in the 11^th century… a decisive Christianization took place.[2]”

In a chapter titled “The Kingdom of Norway” from the book Christianization and the Rise of the Christian Monarchy, by Nora Berend, Bartlett’s view is strongly substantiated.  Berend makes two important points in the chapter.  The first is that the Norse Kings, like many other European rulers, used the centralization of Christianity to unify the country and strengthen their power.  The unification of the country, Berend points out, accelerated its Christianization and vice versa.  While it is unclear which came first, efforts to unify the country politically and to Christianize it went hand in hand.  The second is that all of the “missionary kings” who brought Christianity to Norway were first exposed to it in England. 

Though there is dispute as to when and how Christianity arrived in Norway, it is clear that it came from England and “certainly led to political centralization.[3]”  From 930 to 1030, the process of Christianizing took place for political reasons and through political channels.  Berend also notes that it is “often difficult to distinguish between reliable information and later inventions.[4]”  Many accounts Berend describes bring widespread Christianity to Norway after its supposed unification under Harald Harfagre, who allegedly ruled the country for 70 years beginning in 931.  Many of his descendants, the Eirikssons, subsequently ruled the country under Christian regimes.  Other accounts described in Berend’s book explain that Olaf Tryggavson and St Olav Haraldsson were responsible for its final change to Christianity from 995-1000 and 1015-1030.

Even though Tryggavson and Haraldsson were called the “Missionary Kings,” Berend explains that there is no archeological evidence of any missionaries in the country until many years later.  In fact, archeological evidence is unclear regarding when the earliest Christian artifacts arrived in Scandanavia, but they most likely arrived through trade.  There are few primary source details about their origins, but Tryggavson is credited for bringing Christianity to Norway and acting as a missionary.  Berend writes that many contemporary accounts maintain that he was baptized in England, where he was a mercenary.  Many of his successors were also baptized in England and learned Christianity there.  It appears that no missionaries beyond the kings were ever in Norway until c.1190.

Berend’s arguments are strong, well written, and supported by Bartlett.  England played a large role in Norway’s Christianization by baptizing its kings, who were the only missionaries for two centuries.  They were able to unify or further unify, depending on whose account one reads, Norway and consolidate royal power by means of the Church.  A reader seeking further investigation might want explore many of the contemporary sources, which Berend discusses in her chapter.

Word Count: 530

Bibliography

Bartlett, Robert. The Making of Europe. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993.

Berend, Nora. Christianization and the Rise of Christian Monarchy. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University

Mallory Howe

Professor Shawcross

Medieval Europe

11/15/11

Divine Orders

Hoffmann, Richard C. "Outsiders by Birth and Blood: Racist Ideologies and Realities around the Periphery of Medieval European Culture." The Medieval Frontiers of Latin Christendom: Expansion, Contraction, Continuity. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2008. 149-70. Print.

During the late Middle Ages, as the borders of Europe continued to expand, the desire for a common identity arose. Many groups, including the English, Scandinavians, and Germans, established a sense of cultural homogeneity that helped unify their people. But as some groups came together and recognized their common cultures and identities, others suffered from internal division. Instead of recognizing a collective identity, as seen in Hoffmann’s chapter, people in areas such as Ireland, Scotland, Poland, Iberia, and Hungary distinguished themselves upon class and race basis and sought domination and control rather than cohesion.[1]

Hoffmann analyzes the social realities of race and genetics of the time in the given locations. For those in Ireland and Poland, genetics represented their authentic ethnic identities. Spain and Scotland used race as a mean to discriminate, which the Hungarians did as well in politics. Unlike areas in Europe that focused on the collective identity, these groups all centered on the importance of lineage and “limpieza de sangre,” blood purity. Blood was unalterable and determined one’s fate, meaning some people would inherently succeed, and others would be doomed. A man had no control over his fate; it was put into the hands of God.[2] With such a mindset, very few people, especially in a time that treasures religious devotion, would question the social structure, “God’s work”. People were forced into ignorance by mythical histories (some true, some made up) that lauded the nobility and scorned the peasants, thereby enforcing birthright and maintaining the societal status quo.

In order to prove his point, Hoffmann lays his argument out case-by-case, allowing the reader to easily follow his discussion. Discrimination has numerous faces and names, which is why it was imperative for Hoffmann to have multiple variations of it, whether it was race in Ireland, religion in Iberia, or class standing in Hungary. His ideas are far from mind-boggling since they are deeply rooted in history, mythology, and surprisingly, sociology and psychology. Hoffman interprets people’s reactions, such as the overthrowing of convivencia, the peaceful harmony between Christians, Muslims, and Jews, in Iberia like any good historian by looking at what was occurring at the time and thinking why people might do such a thing. What I found very interesting was the reference to Fulcher of Chartres that stressed how identity can be transient and malleable, the antithesis of Hoffmann’s point. In these periphery territories, “The Outsiders of Europe,” Fulcher’s statement is ludicrous. A unified cultural or national identity clearly comes second to one’s kin and lineage. Perhaps this is why these areas develop into nations much later than their “Insider,” collectivist, counterparts.

In fact, I think it would be fascinating to compare how these groups, “Outsiders” versus “Insiders,” developed into nations. To what extent did discrimination truly hinder the “Outsiders”? Also, it would be interesting to see how these modern nations currently handle discrimination. Ireland still continues to struggle against England, but strides have definitely been made to improve what was thought to be “a natural hostility to each other” that would never be solved due to such irreconcilable differences.[3] In addition, is there any national shame in these discriminatory beliefs, such as the Hungarian view that there were only two kinds of people: honorable nobles and shameful peasants?

Word Count: 541

Veronica Arndorfer

Professor Shawcross
Medieval Europe: From Charlemagne to Columbus
8 November 2011

Thomas, Hugh M. "Cultural Consequences." The Norman Conquest: England After William the Conquerer. 2007. 119-31. Print.

England: Building a State

       The art of state-building, generally, reaches its full potential
during times of reform; in this case, the Norman Conquest served as
the transition point. The economic and political implications of the
transition period are, perhaps, the most important and well-recognized
historical items. In comparison, the cultural consequences of the
reform take a back seat. Hugh M. Thomas explores all aspects of the
era surrounding the Norman Conquest including, but not limited to,
government, war, economics, and religion. Through his explanation one
may be able to appreciate the time period for its major impact on
future generations beginning with modern day English.
       Religion and intellectual life were adjusting at an extraordinary
pace, in part, due to the inevitably of certain changes. William I
respected the church and understood their role as guides into the next
life, but, nevertheless, used it as a power tool. He went so far as to
replace the top ecclesiastical leadership and seize land and plunder.
Thus, the English church was being robbed in order to sustain the
Norman church. Furthermore, extensive reform began to take place
beginning with leadership positions within the church; for instance,
he replaced Archbishop Stigand with Lanfranc so as to facilitate
better reform in the English church. Clerical marriages, among other
issues, were discussed, but not always successful in terms of
modernization. Nevertheless, the Normans introduced the papal reform
movement to England. Along with ecclesiastical reform, an intellectual
revival occurred partially due to the greater distribution of
manuscripts, theological and otherwise.
       The cultural consequences of the Norman Conquest did not end with the
religious and intellectual life; art and architecture were also
affected. The English may have been more backward concerning
intellectual affairs, but their artistic talents impressed the
Normans. In art, there seemed to be cohesion of English and Norman
traditions, but the Normans may have weakened this discipline because
of their use of funds for architecture. The Norman Conquest brought
innovation to architecture, so much so that some believe that no
Anglo-Saxon masonry has survived in any major English church. The
Normans did little for the arts, but in architecture they showed a
wonderful ability to bring new life to the English world.
       Language and literature were, perhaps the most affected by the Norman
Conquest. The Anglo-Saxons had used writing for administrative and
religious purposes. They had created a strong language with more
standardization than had been previously seen. Although, the Normans
held nothing against the English language and literature, there was a
very little priority to learn it. Latin was the language preferred by
this period and their indifference to English almost destroyed the
English language. Old English died during this period, but English
reemerged as French enhanced language due to the extensive integration
of the French language.
       Thomas makes an effort to discuss a variety of cultural consequences
surrounding the epoch, comprised of areas such as religion, language,
and architecture. Although, William the Conqueror had no intention of
altering the English culture, the Normans did create major changes in
English society.

Word Count: 503